Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says the second phase of the US-brokered Gaza peace plan is “close,” raising cautious optimism after two months of ceasefire — yet both Israeli and Palestinian officials acknowledge that difficult, unresolved questions continue to hang over the process.
Under the blueprint put forward by President Donald Trump, Israeli troops would gradually pull back, a transitional administration would take shape, and an international security force would deploy inside Gaza. Hamas, in turn, is expected to disarm so reconstruction and civilian governance can begin.
Second Phase Edges Forward With Heavy Diplomatic Pressure
Netanyahu said negotiations have advanced enough that he will meet President Trump on 29 December to finalize terms and timing for the second stage. Israeli officials say both Washington and Arab mediators are pushing hard to maintain momentum, fearing political drift, sporadic ceasefire violations and stubborn mistrust between the two sides.
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Progress is slow, but the talks are not frozen.
The ceasefire agreement ended a devastating two-year Israeli military campaign sparked by Hamas’s 7 October 2023 attacks and mass hostage taking. Israeli troops remain deployed across more than half of Gaza, even as Hamas has re-established control in other districts.
Both sides accuse each other of daily violations — drone surveillance, small-arms exchanges, humanitarian obstructions and occasional targeted arrests — though none have escalated into a return to full military confrontation.
Netanyahu acknowledged the second phase “will be more difficult or equally difficult” than negotiating the ceasefire itself, citing disputes over disarmament mechanisms and the role of foreign security forces.
Battle Over Disarmament Defines Next Stage
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Nothing is more divisive right now than weapons control.
Hamas has historically refused to surrender its arsenal unless an independent Palestinian state is guaranteed. The peace plan expects disarmament without that statehood assurance, leaving a conceptual gap that negotiators have struggled to narrow.
Speaking to the Associated Press in Qatar, Hamas political bureau member Bassem Naim said the group is now willing to discuss “freezing or storing” weapons — a formula that may avoid an outright symbolic surrender while giving international observers a way to monitor arsenals.
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It is not the same as permanent disarmament.
Whether this approach can satisfy Israel remains unclear. Israeli leaders argue that frozen weapons could be reactivated later or hidden from inspectors, threatening long-term security credibility.
Netanyahu did not dismiss international oversight outright, but he questioned whether a multinational peacekeeping force could practically confiscate or neutralize militant arsenals. “Are there volunteers here?” he said sarcastically, suggesting few countries would be willing to confront Hamas directly on the ground.
He insisted Israel would guarantee disarmament one way or another. “It can be done the easy way, it can be done the hard way. But eventually it will be done.”
Hostage Recovery Still Central to Implementation
Arab media reported that Red Cross teams and Hamas’s military wing resumed searching for the body of Sergeant Ran Gvili, the last Israeli hostage killed during the 7 October attacks. Under the ceasefire deal, the remains must be located and returned to Israel.
Netanyahu said at a press conference, “We’ll get him out,” emphasizing the political sensitivity around hostage recovery. The matter remains emotionally charged for Israeli families and could influence domestic support for the second phase.
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Hostage issues often decide public patience more than border maps.
The Red Cross search signals that Hamas is willing to fulfill elements of the initial agreement, even if implementation continues far slower than families and mediators hoped.
Humanitarian Relief Still Faces Obstacles
Humanitarian agencies report that the volume of aid entering Gaza has surged since the ceasefire, but relief groups say operational restrictions, security risks, and unpredictable approvals continue to hinder distribution.
Hamas claims Israel has not delivered on core ceasefire promises, accusing Israeli forces of obstructing aid corridors and refusing to reopen Rafah crossing for two-way movement. Israel says it is ready to open Rafah, but only for people exiting Gaza. Egypt and Palestinian authorities rejected that condition, insisting the crossing must operate bidirectionally, as agreed under prior frameworks.
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That standoff has stranded medical cases and blocked specialized equipment.
Humanitarian groups say Gaza’s reconstruction cannot accelerate without predictable border access, equipment delivery, and stable security around warehouses and inspection sites.
Security Force Debate Raises Questions About Enforcement
Washington wants an international security force to oversee demilitarization, border policing, community safety and protection of transitional authorities. The idea would reduce direct Israeli deployment inside Gaza while keeping peacekeepers on the ground for crisis response.
Netanyahu publicly raised doubts. “I don’t want to go into detail, they can’t do everything, and maybe they can’t do the main thing,” he said, referring specifically to the task of disarming Hamas. Israel views foreign troops as limited in mandate, unwilling to confront heavily armed militants, and vulnerable to political constraints.
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Foreign peacekeepers struggle most when the mission involves weapons removal rather than ceasefire monitoring.
Israel wants ongoing freedom to intervene if international forces fail, while mediators seek safeguards that prevent unilateral military re-entry because it could derail institution-building and reconstruction.
Reconstruction and Governance on the Horizon
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The plan requires a transitional governing authority inside Gaza.
This authority would manage civil services, policing, education, reconstruction financing and refugee support. But its structure and political legitimacy remain undefined.
Regional negotiators have floated a technocratic council backed by international donors and Arab governments, with Palestinian factions represented indirectly. Hamas wants guarantees for political legitimacy. Israel wants a civilian body without armed wings and without Iranian ties.
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Getting buy-in from all players may take longer than troop withdrawal.
Reconstruction financing — billions of dollars for homes, hospitals, water systems and power grids — will not accelerate unless Gaza has predictable security and a functioning governing body.
Ceasefire Stability Still Fragile
Even with diplomacy moving forward, Gaza remains divided between areas under Israeli military presence and areas where Hamas has reconstituted local control, tax collection, and internal patrols.
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Dual governance breeds confusion.
Civilian policing is weak, and different groups provide local security patchworks. Reconstruction teams struggle with zoning, land rights and debris removal, especially in northern cities where infrastructure damage remains staggering.
The ceasefire itself is durable enough to prevent a collapse, but neither side views the current reality as sustainable.
Outlook for Late December
Netanyahu’s upcoming meeting with Trump on 29 December will shape the immediate future of phase two. Negotiators want concrete frameworks: timelines for troop redeployment, legal terms for multinational force presence, guarantees on humanitarian access, and a time-bound mechanism on weapons oversight.
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The hardest issue is still disarmament.
Hamas’s proposal to “store weapons” represents movement, not resolution. Israel sees risk. Mediators see opportunity. The public on both sides sees fatigue — and a deep desire not to return to fighting.
Diplomats believe that partial compromise could at least allow reconstruction to begin while political negotiations continue in parallel. Whether that becomes sustainable depends on verification, transparency and steady coordination.
As Gaza struggles with displacement, infrastructure collapse and economic paralysis, even modest progress feels meaningful. But the second phase will only succeed if both sides trust the process enough to implement — not just sign — the terms.
